Ichikawa fusae biography of williams

Japanese suffragist, feminist, discipline politician, who was one of position most outstanding women in 20th-century Japan. Name variations: Ichikawa Fusaye. Pronunciation: ITCH-EE-ka-wa FOO-sa-ae. Born Ichikawa Fusae on Possibly will 15, 1893, in Asahi Village, Aichi Prefecture, Japan; died in Tokyo, Nippon, in 1981; daughter of Ichikawa Fujikurō (a farmer) and Ichikawa Tatsu; stressful public elementary and higher elementary schools, briefly attended Joshi Gakuin (Girls' Academy) in Tokyo, and graduated from Aichi Prefectural Women's Normal School in 1913; never married; no children.

Taught elementary educational institution (1913–16); was first woman newspaper journo in Nagoya, Japan (1917–19); moved assent to Tokyo to become the secretary be more or less the women's section of the Yūaikai (Friendly Society), Japan's first labor troop (1919); founded Shin Fujin Kyōkai (New Woman's Association, 1919–21); networked with women's rights leaders in the U.S. (1921–23); returned to Tokyo, where she stirred for the International Labor Organizations (1924–27); founded the Fusen Kakutoku Dōmei (Women's Suffrage League, 1924–40); appointed to decency advisory board of the government's structure, Dai Nihon Fujinkai (Greater Japan Women's Association, 1942–44); organized the Sengo Taisaku Fujin Iinkai (Women's Committee on Postwar Countermeasures) to work for women's elect (1945); purged by the American office (1947–50); served in the House make a rough draft Councillors (the upper house of influence national legislature, 1953–71 and 1974–81).

Publications:

(in Japanese) Ichikawa Fusawa no jiden—senzen hen (The Autobiography of Ichikawa Fusae—The Prewar Turn, 1974); Watakushi no fujin undō (My Women's Movement, 1972); Watakushi no seiji shōron (My Views of Politics, 1972); Sengo fujikai no dōkō (Trends bad deal Women's Circles in the Postwar Duration, 1969).

During Ichikawa Fusae's almost 90 time eon, the status of Japanese women clashing dramatically; women progressed from being junior to men, in both the unconfirmed and public sphere, to being their legal equal, and she was helpful of those most responsible for that change. Remarkably, despite being a combative feminist, at the time of take it easy death in 1981 Ichikawa Fusae was perhaps the most respected politician principal Japan.

Born to a farm family tackle the end of the 19th c Ichikawa's childhood reflected both the avoirdupois of traditions which had oppressed Asian women and the opportunities which improvement afforded them. As the head be more or less his family, Ichikawa Fujikurō faced inept censure for beating his wife; Fusae recalled seeing her mother Ichikawa Tatsu whimpering in a corner, unable disruption defend herself against his blows. Nevertheless her father was progressive on primacy issue of education, schooling his offspring, as well as his sons. Foothold this, he tolerated the ridicule more than a few his fellow villagers. Fusae claimed lapse she was raised to be "bold or aggressive," to ignore conventional propriety—a trait she would exhibit throughout tiara life.

After attending elementary school, she was briefly enrolled at one of ethics most progressive girls' schools in Yedo, Joshi Gakuin (Girls' Academy), whose official, Yajima Kajiko, was an outspoken aid of women's rights. Between 1909 playing field 1913, Ichikawa attended public schools confess higher education to prepare for what was then the only respectable work for women—teaching. Following her graduation, she taught girls in a public basic school. While her own schooling difficult been pleasant, Ichikawa became critical reproach the constraints placed upon young body of men in public schools. "Curiosity and lack of confidence have been ignored in the label of femininity," she complained. "For pollex all thumbs butte reason we are forced to accredit submissive, to sacrifice ourselves, and persuade be chaste…. We aremolded into sensitive beings who lack dignity, are tough, and cannot even manage our slash lives." Despite the satisfaction she regular from earning a salary, Ichikawa yield her teaching job in 1916.

Undoubtedly receipt some pressure to marry, Ichikawa wrote of her confusion:

Whom should I break one`s neck to please in this world? Population at large? Women? Myself? If Unrestrainable am prevented from doing what Unrestrainable want to do, I will note have confidence in myself or fluky my abilities. I know that Hilarious will be extremely lonely in magnanimity future. Yet, I am most capacity when I sit alone in low dark room or when I thorough an evening walk by myself.

In nobility midst of this exploration, Ichikawa became the first woman reporter for goodness Nagoya shimbun (Nagoya News). Working care an editor who advanced women's issues, Ichikawa covered women's organizations and helpful opportunities for women. She became subside, however, and moved to Tokyo, avid to be more intellectually and politically challenged.

Now in her mid-20s, Ichikawa cast-off professional and family contacts to understand immersed in the liberal circles behove young intellectuals and social activists who were most interested in women's issues. In 1919, she was appointed dramaturge of the women's section of authority Yūaikai (Friendly Society), Japan's first experience organization. Disenchanted, however, with the segregation against women in the fledgling undergo movement, Ichikawa reached the conclusion depart "before I worked in a experience movement for women, I would be endowed with to work in a woman's step up for male-female equality. Although I run-down very hard to raise the locate of working women within the society, I resigned when I realized go wool-gathering the consciousness of Japan's workers was extremely low."

She turned from the receive movement to the women's movement attend to embarked upon the organizational building which characterized her career. Shortly after happening in Tokyo, Ichikawa had been extrinsic to Japan's most prominent feminist, Hiratsuka Raichō , leader of the coordination Seito (Bluestockings) and editor of their literary journal. Although Ichikawa was coarse no means one of the nice, upper-class Tokyo intellectuals with whom Hiratsuka was accustomed to working, the unite developed a relationship of mutual adoration. Together, in 1919, they launched ethics Shin Fujin Kyōkai (New Woman's Association), which envisioned a different program summon Japanese feminism. In contrast to excellence Bluestockings, the New Woman's Association hunted to organize a broad cross-section take in women, for political, rather than folk purposes.

The group's objective was to attain equal rights for all women current men. In order to realize their aim, the association set out be in total obtain a higher standard of breeding for women, co-education in primary schools, women's suffrage, a revision of list unfavorable to women, and the thoughtfulness of motherhood. The association would carry research on women's issues, convene conferences for women activists, and offer wildcat consultation for women with problems. Ichikawa became editor-in-chief of Josei dōmei (Women's League), a newsletter which promoted blue blood the gentry association's ideas.

The story of her have a go is the modern history of Altaic women in their country's political life…. Her dedication made her in bitterness final years the lodestar of skilful women—even more, an admired and trust national figure.

—Dorothy Robins-Mowry

Within months, Ichikawa boss other association leaders submitted a appeal to the Diet (the national legislature), signed by more than 1,500 squadron, to repeal the section of representation Peace Preservation Law which denied platoon the freedom of assembly. Unless that legislation was revoked, it would background illegal for women to organize build up attend political meetings. A second request, more clearly reflecting the commitments time off Hiratsuka than Ichikawa, sought to bar men with venereal disease from conjoining and to provide women with resort to divorce husbands with a sexually transmitted disease. The second petition was immediately and overwhelmingly rejected by integrity Diet because it was not squeeze up "accord with the standard of Asian custom which gave predominance to troops body over women." Thereafter, association members sedulously lobbied the Diet for their primary petition. Hoping to exert pressure, they were conspicuously present in the squat women's section of the visitors' drift where they sat behind wire mesh, prompting one woman to say give it some thought they "listened to the Diet lower ranks quietly, like tiny animals in clean up cage." They also submitted appeals more Diet members on pink and purple name cards. The arrest of Ichikawa and Hiratsuka for violation of birth Peace Preservation Law at a YMCA meeting was said to have reinforced public support for women's right atlas assembly. After several failed attempts, honourableness petition was finally approved on Feb 25, 1922; women had won probity legal right to organize and contribute in public meetings.

Soon after their accomplishment, the New Woman's Association disbanded. Shut in part, this was the result wait an ideological rift within the predominance of the organization. Ichikawa had over that Hiratsuka envisioned the association fully as a means of promoting rectitude interests of married women, or, "principle of mothers' rights," while Ichikawa came to identify her own views bonus clearly with the broader "principle show signs of women's rights."

Disillusioned with this conflict smash into home, Ichikawa sailed to the Concerted States, where she spent two existence meeting with leaders of the women's movement. While there, she discussed undergo issues with women trade-union leaders, fall down with Jane Addams to learn not quite her federation of women for serenity and freedom, and followed the gratuitous of Carrie Chapman Catt , who established the League of Women Voters and developed a women's movement plump for war prevention. Most important, Ichikawa fixed a lifelong friendship with Alice Paul , who led the radical convince of the U.S. suffrage movement illustrious established the National Women's Party.

From these experiences, Ichikawa drew inspiration and organisational models and returned to Japan demonstrate 1924 to what she later termed, "the period of hope," with put in order focused commitment to work exclusively request Japan's suffrage—the single means by which she thought women's interests might superlative be served. In personal terms, Ichikawa had a lucrative, fulfilling job birth the Tokyo office of the Global Labor Organization (ILO), where she investigated women's labor conditions and proposed strategies for improvement. This allowed her unearthing strengthen her credibility with women industrialized workers and the leftist organizations which supported them. In organizational terms, Ichikawa established the Fusen Kakutoku Dōmei (Women's Suffrage League), the association most dependable, in the prewar era, for backing the political rights of women. Crate 1927, Ichikawa resigned her position deprive the ILO to work full-time round out the League. After the general option of 1928, women's suffrage had develop an issue for all political parties, and there was the expectation avoid with the gradual expansion of birth electorate, women would eventually be included.

While Ichikawa sought to bring individuals catch on different ideological perspectives into the Federation, her efforts to educate women befall political issues were frustrated by deprecation from both the right and rank left. Conservatives criticized Ichikawa for missing sensitivity and womanly virtue. "The hysterically public opposed women's suffrage," she wrote, "believing that a woman's place was in the family, for the archangel of Japanese womanhood was to fleece a good wife and mother, extra if a woman should have level rights politically with men, conflicts would probably arise within the family, thereby destroying the traditional family system which had been the center of Altaic life since ancient times." On honesty left, the communists and socialists were critical of the women's suffrage shipment because it did not oppose representation political and economic institutions of private enterprise. In addition to criticisms from nobility right and left, Ichikawa suffered suffer the loss of disaffection in her own ranks, rightfully members of the League grew censorious of her demands for tireless earnestness and personal financial sacrifice for description cause. Ultimately, Ichikawa and the Foil were unable to capitalize on greatness apparent momentum of the "period carry out hope" to achieve women's suffrage.

By righteousness early 1930s, women's suffrage was rebuff longer on the political agenda. Troubled with economic problems associated with representation depression and the escalating militarism consequent the Manchurian Incident in 1931, politicians concluded that the "women problem" could be forgotten. During this time, magnanimity rising tide of political crisis studied the women's movement to shift tight emphasis from political rights, the sensitivity which Ichikawa had championed, to issues explicitly affecting women's daily lives although housewives and mothers.

In retrospect, there be blessed with been questions about Ichikawa's politics sooner than the totalitarian period of the Decennium and 1940s. Certainly, she soft-pedaled disclose pursuit of the vote for corps in favor of more politically tolerable campaigns. In 1933, Ichikawa organized representatives of various non-government women's groups apportion community-based political activities. This organization, magnanimity Tokyo Fujin Shisei Jōka Renmei (Tokyo Women's Alliance for Honest City Government), was designed to involve women scope "clean government" activities, including tax swap, opposition to price hikes for house fuel, the decentralization of Tokyo be bought markets, and efficient garbage collection. Break open 1934, members of the Women's Elect League formed the Bosei Hogo Renmei (Motherhood Protection League) to work fancy welfare programs for single mothers. Ichikawa saw these campaigns as laboratories consign women's political education, in which they would learn to articulate goals suggest work together to achieve them pseudo the local level, where it was reasoned that government would be alert to their efforts. While it was a less militant approach to sickly women's political rights, it was, notwithstanding, a viable alternative to women meticulous in the role of supplicants, request with men to give them their rights.

Despite Ichikawa's efforts to organize cohort for politically acceptable goals, it became increasingly difficult in the '30s. Rendering government, which sought to organize brigade for its own purposes, created excellent number of women's organizations, and scheduled their members to sacrifice their unofficial well-being for the good of excellence country, to uphold the "natural order" of society, to maintain the earnestness of the traditional family, and calculate support the troops fighting in China.

In the context of national crisis, Ichikawa was determined to remain a essayist of the government; but the government's grudging tolerance of Ichikawa changed funding the escalation of the war misrepresent 1936, when she continued to target the war with China. Although they were not physically harmed, women forefront, such as Ichikawa, were subjected solve surveillance and police interrogations. In glory midst of war, Ichikawa stressed defer women must confront the problems pale the home front by viewing them from the "women's perspective." In 1937, Ichikawa convinced prominent women from a handful organizations to join her in foundation the Nihon Fujin Dantai Renmei (Japan Federation of Women's Organizations) to move programs addressing the problems that cadre faced during the war: the hardships of women-headed households, the conscription mention women laborers, and the shortages jurisdiction consumer items. In 1938, Ichikawa was one of 30 national figures who recommended that all civilian organizations ought to encourage their members to engage coach in practices of civic and personal obligation, including emperor worship, fiscal restraint grind household budgets, personal austerity with cotton on to appearance, devotion to the wellbeing of their neighbors, and the intelligent disciplining of children. Ichikawa's agenda was becoming further submerged in wartime objectives.

In 1942, the government established the Dai Nihon Fujinkai (Greater Japan Women's Association) for all adult women. War Clergywoman Tōjō Hideki explained that this pristine organization would be a means bear witness restoring "the fundamental nature of detachment that has been harmed by Romance ideas." Given the organization's objective, Ichikawa was surprised to have been qualified to its advisory board. Later upon as an illustration of her satisfaction with the government during the combat, Ichikawa maintained that she remained fine critic of the organization (she was the only member of the recommending board to have been fired stomachturning the government) while staying politically vigorous because, she later said, "I difficult to understand been a leader of women tolerate I could not retire abruptly deseed them. I decided to go joint the people, not to encourage rank war, but to take care sunup the people who were made disastrous by the war." Ultimately, the flak of Tokyo drove Ichikawa from magnanimity city to her family's farm wheel, as was the case with agitate Japanese, her only objective was survival.

As the war drew to a chain, the 30-year campaign for women's partisan rights had not been successful. Nobility only victory had been the modify of the Peace Preservation Law budget 1922, enabling women to organize cranium participate in political meetings. Women could not, however, join political parties, franchise, participate in government, or hold bureaucratic office. But the American military post that followed the war brought fear a change in politics which eventually made these reforms possible. Only straighten days after the emperor's surrender, Ichikawa organized the Sengo Taisaku Fujin Iinkai (Women's Committee on Postwar Countermeasures) drop a line to work for women's suffrage. This give shelter to maintained that, "suffrage is not issue to be granted, but something generate be attained by the hands unmoving women themselves." Pressured by the English occupation forces, the Japanese Diet conj albeit women the vote in 1945.

That gathering, Ichikawa founded the Nihon Fujin Yūkensha Dōmei (Japan League of Women Voters) and the Fusen Kaikan (Women's Poll Hall), a research institute designed plug up increase women's political consciousness. She embarked on an ambitious national tour spotlight promote democratic principles and encourage women's participation in the political process. Ichikawa was, herself, a candidate for prestige House of Councillors (the upper dynasty of the Diet, the national legislature).

On the verge of what appeared dressingdown be the great triumph of relation career, Ichikawa was faced with authority most painful setback of her continuance. One month before the first countrywide election held after the war, Ichikawa was purged from public life coarse American occupation officials. Ironically, the Americans accomplished what the Japanese militarists esoteric never been able to do—they calm Ichikawa Fusae. Deemed to have antique a government collaborator, she was blockaded from the Women's Suffrage Hall, out from participation in any political vigour, and her efforts to publish were censored. Friends and colleagues ceased their contact with her. In effect, prevented from earning a living, Ichikawa common again to her family's farm situation she scratched out an existence unreceptive raising vegetables and chickens, while she began writing a history of Japan's women's movement. The purge of Ichikawa Fusae was a tremendous irony; arguably the strongest living advocate for representative governme in Japan, and the woman uppermost responsible for women's participation in representation political process, was banned from communal life. A petition with more pat 170,000 signatures protesting Ichikawa's purge was to no avail; the purge was not lifted until 1950.

In the postwar period, Ichikawa was one of Japan's most respected politicians. Beginning in 1953, she was elected to five position in the House of Councillors; hunk the 1970s, she was winning description largest percentage of the nationwide franchise. One of the keys to uncultivated political success was her aversion endure political party affiliation. Her success remodel running as an independent was, bind large part, due to the stage she devoted to campaigning in significance women's movement, but in the postwar period her constituencies expanded to keep you going consumers, peace advocates, and environmentalists.

Ichikawa always ran as an anti-establishment candidate, nationwide recognized as a critic of governmental corruption and excessive spending in state campaigns. As president of the Gild League of Women Voters, she urged her membership to be advocates storage space world peace. A critic of goodness Japan-U.S. alliance, in 1967 Ichikawa sought after an end of the U.S. attack of North Vietnam and the worsening of Okinawa. On the 25th outing of women's suffrage in Japan pigs 1970, Ichikawa identified peace, pollution, captain prices as the most important issues for the women's movement to claim. Campaigning on these issues until composite death in 1981, Ichikawa laid picture foundation for the anti-establishment fervor which swept Japanese politics in the Decade and 1990s.

sources:

Molony, Kathleen. "One Woman Who Dared: Ichikawa Fusae and the Asian Women's Suffrage Movement." Ph.D. dissertation, Sanitarium of Michigan, 1980.

Murray, Patricia. "Ichikawa Fusae and the Lonely Red Carpet," donation Japan Interpreter. Vol. 10. Autumn 1975, p. 2.

Takeda Kiyoko. "Ichikawa Fusae: Trailblazer for Women's Rights in Japan," complain Japan Quarterly. Vol. 31, p. 4.

Vavich, Dee Ann. "The Japanese Woman's Movement: Ichikawa Fusae, A Pioneer in Women's Suffrage," in Monumenta Nipponica. Vol. 22, 1967, pp. 3–4.

suggested reading:

Robins-Mowry, Dorothy. The Hidden Sun: Women of Modern Japan. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983.

LindaL.Johnson , Professor of History, Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota